ON THE NATIONAL OUESTON IN SRI LANKA

 Sri Lanka Communist Party (Left), 15/1, Power House Road, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.

We publish the relevant section of the Political Report on the National question, adopted at the First National Congress of our Party.
K. A. Subramaniam 20th September, 1984. GENERAL SECRETARY

ON THE NATIONAL OUESTON IN SRI LANKA

While the Party admits that the national question in Sri Lanka has sharpened to a point of crisis it does not, in any way, share the view that the racial contradiction in this country has developed into the principal contradiction. We also do not accept the view of some extremist communal forces that by nature the national question is so complex that it cannot be resolved. Approaching the problem under the guidance of Marxist-Leninist proletarian stand will lead to a solution to the national question in Sri Lanka. SLCP (Left) is of the view that there can be no lasting solution to the National Question under a capitalist set up. However, our party considers that, by adopting certain measures, the matter could be handled smoothly even within that set up.
Sri Lanka's minorities constitute twenty five percent of the population. There are 3.5 million Tamil speaking people comprising three main sections: Sri Lanka Tamils, Tamils of recent Indian Origin and Tamil speaking Muslims. The Tamil speaking people live in compact communities in North and East and also in other provinces, scattered among the majority community. The Northern and Eastern Provinces are traditional homelands of the Tamils. Tamils lived in these regions for several centuries. The economy, language, education, culture etc. developed in these areas are distinct in character. Considering the four requirements of a region, economy, language and culture to define a nationality, Tamils living in the North and East can be clearly identified as a distinct nationality. At the same time, Muslims and people of recent Indian origin because they speak the same language, cannot be included in the Tamil nationality by compulsion or otherwise. But Tamils of recent Indian origin and Muslims fall within one minority group of Tamil-speaking people.
Of the Tamil Nationality living in the Northern and Eastern province one third of it were known as 'untouchables' for hundreds of years and in recent times as 'depressed castes". They should be given special concessions to develop their areas by treating them as a minority group. During its hundred year rule, British imperialism using its divide and rule policy never allowed this minority group and the Tamil nationality to have close links with the Sinhala majority. Today's National Question in Sri Lanka is a direct result of this. The problem of the plantation workers is very similar to this. The governments which came to power in succession failed to solve this problem. The UNP under the leadership of J. R. Jayawardane indulged in further political gambling and drove the country to a point where its independence is under threat.
Tamil speaking people are being discriminated against, neglected and subjected to alienation in their traditional land by Successive governments. Discriminatory language policy, planned Sinhala colonisation, discrimination in employment, standardization in higher education and lack of concern for development of Tamil areas form the basis of the problems of the Tamils. Along with this, periodic communal riots and the severe effects of communal violence have driven the Tamils to utter frustration.
In 1948 D. S. Senanayake who foresaw a future threat to the ruling classes from the unity of Sinhalese working class and the plantation workers deprived a million Tamils of Indian origin of their citizenship. This reactionary started the planned Sinhala colonization in the Eastern Province with a design to carve off traditional Tamil areas. Although it was S.W.R.D. Bandaranayake who introduced the Sinhala Only Bill, it was the UNP which mooted the idea. It was the UNP which planned and executed communal violence especially after 1977, on more than four occasions, and forced the country to the present grave situation. J. R. the class conscious reactionary diehard and the comprador bourgeois UNP in order to continue their class rule are making maximum use of the national question of the country and more than anyone else and have reaped great political benefits.
The so-called Tamil leaders used the national question and made similar political gains in the North and East. From G. G. Ponnampalam who made the unrealistic fifty fifty demand Amirthalingam who demanded a separate state of Tamil Eelam, these leaders played the worst reactionary role, never leaning towards the progressive forces of the country.
The national bourgeois Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) too racially discriminated against and neglected Tamils, but a lesser degree than the UNP. It cannot be denied that it was prepared to arrive at a reasonable solution to the problem. In 1957 S. W. R. D. Bandaranayake came forward to sign the Bandaranayake-Chelvanayagam Pact. Had that accord been implemented, it would have been a turning point in Sri Lanka's national problem. Knowing this beforehand, J. R. started his notorious Kandy March against the Pact and forced the then government to abandon the implementation of the accord. The role played by the Tamil leaders in the non implementation of this accord is equally important. Instead of lending strong support to Bandaranayake to implement the accord, the Federal Party, under the initiative of Amirthalingam, started its antiSri Campaign, thus helping the UNP. This will not be forgotten in Sri Lanka's political history.
Similarly when Mrs. Srimao Bandaranayake, who came to power in 1960, sought a reasonable solution to the problem through the Sam P. C. Fernando-Chelvanayagam Pact. That too was thwarted by the UNP, FP reactionary forces.
To retain its comprador bourgeois rule, the UNP kept the issue unresolved and made the problems worse by acting in a chauvinist manner. Instead of winning the reasonable rights of the Tamils through collaboration with anti-UNP progressive forces, the Tamil leadership consistently extended its co-operation to the UNP.
To ensure parliamentary success Tamil leadership in 1976 put forward its separatist “Tamil Eelam” demand. Before long it slipped out of their hands and fell into the hands of militant Tamil youths.
Tamil youths organizations dominated by the mentality of small owners and taking a petty-bourgeois stand contracted the syndrome of instant revolution. While they use Marxist phraseology and display progressive features, their separatist theory is dominated by a narrow nationalist outlook.
The hatred and opposition of the Tamil youths grew alongside the country's hostile feeling towards the big bourgeois UNP. Knowing very well that this meant danger, the ruling class let loose communal violence and state terrorism. They beat the full responsibility for individual terrorist activities of the Tamil youth.
Today the comprador bourgeois UNP immersed in Sinhala chauvinism encourages military action against the entire Tamil population. “Putting down terrorism is our sacred duty “says the Government. By subjecting the Tamils to oppression and terror it tries to divert the attention of the people of this country. While talking of the Indian threat, it has fallen at the feet of America. The national question in Sri Lanka also has superpower rivalry in its background. The Soviet Union is trying to advance its interests through India. The U.S. is trying to push forward through J. R. and the UNP. for the domination of the world, in the long run, Sri Lanka's role is important to the Soviet Union and hence we cannot underestimate the threat of Indian intervention. Under this pretext, J. R. is trying to push Sri Lanka to take a pro-American stand, which is his long 'cherished dream.
Our Party fully realises the danger facing our country as a result of the separatist demand for “ “Tamil Eelam.” That is why our party stresses the need for a solution to the national question which has become a threat to national independence.
A solution to our national question can be found to meet our specific situation by establishing one or more autonomous region and inner autonomous bodies allowing the Tamils to develop their own economy, politics, education, culture, etc. in their traditional homelands. Under the autonomous set up, depressed caste Minority Tamils' should be given special concessions to enable them to get out of the backward condition they have been placed in for generations. At the same time, Muslims should also be encouraged to preserve their identity in regions where they live in considerable numbers, through the setting up of inner autonomous bodies. Tamils of Indian origin should not consider their citizenship won by ardous struggles as a mere right to cast their votes. Like other Sri Lankan citizens they should be given land, employment opportunity and educational and other rights. In addition, to enable them to guide themselves to a better future, regional bodies should be set up and their cultural and social independence assured. The rights of the Tamils and Muslims living in other areas should be protected on a similar basis. The rights of Sinhalese and Muslims living among Tamils should also be assured through inner autonomous bodies within autonomous regions.
The unity and co-operation of all nationalities must be ensured in order to build a strong democratic Sri Lanka, and the setting up regional autonomous bodies is a necessary minimum condition.
Our Party does not in anyway condone the justification of the call for succession in the name of the theory of self-determination, without taking into consideration the specific circumstances of this country. We should approach the theory of self determination is a dialectical way and not dogmatically.
In the imperialist czarist Russia, minority nationalities lived compactly in different areas and as their secession would weaken the czarist imperialism Lenin and the Bolshevik Party stressed the need for secession and the setting up of separate states. But Sri Lanka's situation is different from that of czarist Russia. Sri Lanka is a neo-colonial country of the Third World. Its principal enemy is imperialism. In Sri Lanka, where minorities live scattered, secession would weaken progressive revolutionary forces and lead to direct intervention by foreign powers. That is why our Party stresses the right of self-determination without secession. The theory of self-determination with the right to secession implemented by Lenin during the October Revolution was transformed into self-determination without secession by Mao Zedung and the Chinese Communist Party to meet the specific situation in China and established Peoples Republic of China and showed a path for equality of nations and socialist, communist progress. Can anyone say that Mao Zedung and the Chinese Communist Party rejected Marxism-Leninism or Lenin and Stalin, in regard to the theory of self-determination? Certainly not. Based on dialectical development and historical materialist theory, they studied China's special circumstances and introduced the right to self-determination without secession.
Hence we also should study our country's history, geographical formations, economy, political nature, cultural tradition under the guidance of proletarian ideological path of Marxism Leninism Mao Zedung Thought and find a solution to the national question. We should not submit to emotion or empty slogans but take a correct revolutionary stand, under proletarian approach that will form a correct solution to the national question.
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Sri Lanka Communist Party (Left) believes that a reasonable political solution to the National Question can be found by setting up regional autonomous bodies on the following basis :
The national question that has developed to the stage of threatening the nation's independence and integrity could be solved by setting up more than one regional autonomous areas and inner autonomous bodies of autonomous towns and villages. These autonomous bodies should have the right to decide on matters of education, employment, colonization, and regional security of the nationalities that come under respective autonomous bodies without any form of discrimination. All nationalities should be assured of their economic and cultural advancement through these autonomous bodies.
(i) The Tamil nationality living in the Northern and Eastern Provinces should have full fledged autonomy and they should be given the opportunity to decide whether they wish to have one or two regions for them. On the question of Whether the Eastern Province should merge with the Northern Province or remain a separate regional autonomous body the decision should be made according to the wishes of the people of Eastern Province.
(ii) So called depressed castes among Tamils, who come within these autonomous bodies should be given special inner autonomous organs to enable their rehabilitation.
(iii) People of recent Indian Origin, most of whom are plantation workers, should be given suitable autonomous set up which would ensure protection of their
rights won through arduous struggle and the enjoyment, without discrimination, of all rights enjoyed by other Sri Lankan People.
(iv) In areas where Muslims are predominant, possible autonomous organs should be established to enable them to develop their economy and culture.
(v) Suitable autonomous bodies should be set up to protect the rights of Sri Lankan Tamils living outside Northern and Eastern Provinces and Sinhalese living within the autonomous bodies.

 Sri Lanka Communist Party (Left), 15/1, Power House Road, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
We publish the relevant section of the Political Report on the National question, adopted at the First National Congress of our Party.
K. A. Subramaniam 20th September, 1984. GENERAL SECRETARY